The divisive political debate among regional cooperation

There is no denying the fact that the functionalist knows that nation-state system is unpredictable and is the source of sadism divisions, which undermine the real needs and interests of humankind. They tried to give importance on specific tasks of economic and welfare co-operation. This would avoid divisive political debate, but at the same time create a community of interest which would ultimately render national frontiers meaningless . ccording to the functionalist view technical collaboration in one sector generates a felt need for functional collaboration in other sectors. The neo-functionalist based approach considers integration as both a process and an outcome, but they prefer to emphasise on co-operative decision-making processes and elite attitudes in order to assess the progress towards integration. They have focused primarily on formal institutions in an attempt to determine the extent to which important functions are carried out by national as opposed to international agencies. The transaction based approach seeks to measure the process of integration by watching the flow of international transactions, such as trade, tourists, letters, and immigrants. Karl W. Deutsch and some other writers have termed this perspective the communications approach. Deutsch hypothesised that, the more one nation-state interacts with another, the more relevant they become to each other; however, such an increase in mutual relevance may not lead to integration unless it is accompanied by mutual responsiveness, which was defined as the ability to respond satisfactorily to the demands contained in the transactions between the actors involved. In the transactionalist view, a community cannot exists unless its members are interdependent, and such interdependence can only be established by a network of mutual transactions. Although it seems that the South Asian states wanted to emphasis on functionalist and transectionalist approach in their regional integration, but they did not transfer their core issues to their regional body. Even communication among states did not increase considerably. Mutual response is also very low in the area. For heterogeneity in various fields among the South Asian states mutual transaction has not developed. Analysis of the heterogeneity among the South Asian states is the main issue of the present paper.

Parliamentary Self-Government

There is no denying the fact that Parliament is positioned in the supremacy of any government and very ethically, it is the strongest parliamentary feelings in the political organization and as such the political scientists have made their energetic efforts to find out their sources of political powers. Some well-known personalities like John Austin, Wilson, Hans Keelson and HLA Hart have always ransacked to unearth out the ways and means with which the source of power can be identified. In defining the conceptual factors of law, they realized only in the identification of sovereignty as the valid source of law.

In finding out the conceptual background, UK being historically a monarchial state always looked upon the King and the Queen as the source of ultimate power to maneuver the state. With the reduction of King’s prerogative powers there came a correlative rise in the sovereignty of Parliament. As an ultimate target to interpret the source of power, the King and the queen has been preferred as the main code of law which affixes some reduction of power rather than uniformity as envisaged in democratic government.

The classical definition of sovereignty offered from a constitutional law rather then jurisprudential standpoint is that of A.V. Dicey drew a stern disjointing between legal and political sovereignty, where people hold political sovereignty, whilst legal sovereignty rests with the “Queen in Parliament”. And this doctrine is the main concept of the UK. While judges interpret law they always keep it in their mind that what was the intention of the parliament about those matter. According to Dicey Parliament is legally sovereign due to three basic rules:

1. Parliament is the supreme law making body and may enact laws on any subject matter.
2. No parliaments are bound by its predecessor nor bind its successors.
3. No person or body, including a court of law may question the validity of Parliament’s enactment.

According to Dicey, Parliament is the supreme law making authority and may legislate on any topics. In UK as there is no written constitution, parliamentary system is focal point. For example-Septennial Act, 1715, the life of parliament remains for a definitive period of time. Parliament possibly will grant independence to dependant states as exemplelified by Zimbabwe Independence Act, 1979 and Nigeria Independence Act, 1960. Although the general force of law remains in demonstration and utilized for the cause of the preservation of human rights.

Commentary based on a Street Racing

 My advertising campaign is about illegal street car racing everywhere around the world. I chose this campaign because this is one of the problems that are causing a lot of deaths from car crashes and a lot of street racers are gong to jail for racing. My message to all the street racers is to bring to a standstill doing unlawful street race.

I used a slogan to tell my message on my poster. My slogan is “Street + Racing = Death or Jail”. It means that whatever a street racer does, that person cannot escape to die from car crashes or going to jail by getting busted by the cops. So what’s the point of street racing, street racers can just stay in a normal life. I used an image of two street racers doing illegal street race on my poster. I made a bright red ban symbol on the image; I did it to illustrate the message to stop doing illegal street racing. I made the outlaw symbolizing colour bright red to show that it is causing death. This image is related to my slogan. I used an image of a very bad car crash on my poster to show how people can die from a car crash. I chose a bad car crash image to scare the street racers and showed them how painfully they can die. I wrote “=Death” beside the image. I used an image of a person going to jail to show the street racers that if they do street racing, they will go to jail. I wrote “=Jail” beside the image.

I used a wristband as my gimmick. It is a very simple white wristband. On the wristband, I sticked my slogan on it. The wristband will cost $5. I will sell my band all across the world to spread my message everywhere. I will use 50% of the money that I earn to give it to the government to make new rules to stop illegal street racing. I came up with this idea because I saw people selling wristbands in the market and the money that the company of the wristbands earns uses some of the earnings for charity. So I thought my one could be sold like this.

My event is a concert to ban illegal street racing. I will organize a concert because many people in the world are interested in concerts and it is a good way to advertise my gimmick. I will also use some of the money that I earn to give to the government to make new rules to stop illegal street racing. I will call Linkin Park and Pod to play their rock bands. In the concert one of the members from the rock bands will tell everyone the message I am saying to everyone using my slogan and about my gimmick. I will show the concert in MTV channel so that the people that are not going to the concert know about my gimmick and my message. I came up with this idea because I saw many people organizing concerts and they use some of the money that they earn for charity. So I thought I could organize a concert and use the money like this.

In view of the above, it is evident that, for my campaign, I tried to make people aware of illegal street racing that is going on around the world. The visual techniques of advertising I used were juxtaposition, balance, background, font, colour, contrast and dominant image. I only used slogan as one of my language techniques of advertising. I hope I can make illegal street racers be aware of street racing by showing my poster, event and gimmick.

The concept of Cold War in the eye of World political leader

es on the one hand, and the Communist and progressive world on the other. In 1947, President Harry Truman also beamed of two utterly disparate systems: one free and the other bent on suppressed other nations. After Stalin’s death, Nikita Khrushchev stated in 1956 that imperialism and capitalism could coexist without war because the Communist system had become stronger. The Geneva Summit of 1955 among Britain, France, the Soviet Union, and the United States, and the Camp David Summit of 1959 between Eisenhower and Khrushchev raised hopes of a more cooperative spirit between East and West. In 1963 the United States and the Soviet Union signed some confidence-building agreements, and in 1967 President Lyndon Johnson met with Soviet Prime Mini

There is no denying the fact, after World War II, Joseph Stalin barbed out the world as divided into two camps: imperialist and capitalist regimster Aleksey Kosygin in Glassboro, New Jersey. Having interspersed with such moves toward cooperation, however, were antagonistic acts that endangered broader divergence, such as the Cuban missile crisis of October 1962 and the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia of 1968? The long rule of Leonid Brezhnev (1964-1982) is reflected as the “period of stagnation.” But the Soviet stance toward the United States became less blatantly hostile in the early 1970s. Negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union resulted in summit meetings and the signing of strategic arms restraint agreements. Brezhnev asserted in 1973 that peaceful coexistence was the normal, permanent, and irrevocable state of relations between imperialist and Communist countries, although he warned that conflict might continue in the Third World. In the late 1970s, growing internal authoritarianism and the Soviet incursion of Afghanistan led to a renewal of Cold War hostility.
In view of the above, it is evident that Soviet views of the United States changed once again after Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in early 1985. Arms control negotiations were renewed and President Reagan undertook a new series of summit meetings with Gorbachev that led to arms reductions and facilitated a growing compassion even among Communist leaders for more teamwork and the rejection of a class-based, conflict-oriented view of the world. With President Yeltsin’s acknowledgment of sovereignty for the other republics of the former USSR and his initiation of a full-scale financial reform program planned to fashion a market economy, Russia was pledged at last to overcoming both the majestic and the ideological legacies of the Soviet Union.

Worldwide Cold War Conflicts

According to John Rid, Cold war is not a civil war which takes place in a country due to variation of opinions among different classes of people. Such war sometimes pushes a nation towards a war where many other nations come in contact with the supports and cooperation to streamline their actions and reactions. Americans have faced many cold wars in different critical point of confliction with other nations. Sometimes some nations step forward to display their power of modern weapons with different technology and techniques to resolve the dilemma in relevant fields. In cold wars, some other advantageously oriented critics and movements are of externality to the nation and as such, before a absolute war, chalking out plans in wide ranging field is vitally significant where seeking advice from the generals, brainstorming resolutions among other relevant states and their country cannot be ignored. In Cold war the strategically brainstorming reaction exists among top political leaders inside and outside the country to conclude the decision where a complete war is essential or not is magnificent resolution of cold war. Cold war surrounds many other factors relevant to consider weapons, techniques and methods of application of appliances. The signatories to strengthen the stamina of the state are vitally significant and henceforth Cold war occurs; not only that, how far the war is justifiable is also considered in cold war. A country can achieve her target in respect of warfare cost bedded on the verdict of the people. Such brainstorming work may be considered as a doorway of a war but not exactly in the middle of battle field. The logical aspect exists among the people who come from the mental reaction among the top political leader and the countrymen of a state. From time immemorial, the super power states like French, USA, Russia, Germany, China and Japan have suffered from cold war plagues. By unremitting negotiations and brain storming, the country takes decision about a complete war. In major cases, cold war on no account influences a nation for war. A cold war is not a civil war in a state – not a door way to a complete war in the battle field but stops the evil forces for creating chaos, confusion and agitation; this is a cold war which stops the barricades of misunderstanding and administrative lock-up as a tentative flow.

The Cold War, a war of no ‘battlefields’

The Cold war is a war of no battlefields. The heads of the states never follow the policy of war. A Cold war is not a physical war rather it is a challenge to find out the possible solutions in consultation with other leaders within the country or outside the country before war. ‘Cold War’ means such type of soundless war where an anecdotal fact influences one country towards war by way of long-drawn-out discussion against possible evil forces. In diminishing war, the heads of the states become anxious to resolve the crisis in order to depict capacity and strength among other nations of the state. In ruling over a country, one becomes sufferer in respect of economic crisis, administrative blockades and lack of financial problems, the head of the states absorb in deep thought to bring out a solution to resolve the problem. In that hypercritical state of affairs of a nation, a cold war predominates in course of time. In referring to missile crisis, John F Kennedy has faced a stern problem and not being contentious, he was being able to succeed to retaliate such crisis and he saved his countrymen from the serious casualties of war with modern weapons and missiles. In this context, he made an amazing speech which has been replicated as hopes and aspirations of the people of America in their real life situation. He said that, for many years both the Soviet Union and the United States, distinguishing so called reality, have well thought-out strategic nuclear weapons with great care, never perplexing the unsteady statuesque which insured that these weapons would not be worn in the deficiency of some imperative confront. Their own strategic missiles have never been moved to the territory of any other nation under a cover of concealment and trickery; and in American history—unlike that of the Soviets since the concluding stages of World War II—demonstrates that the people of America have no keenness to administer or accomplishment over any other nation or force their system upon its people. Nevertheless, American citizens have become accustomed to living daily on the Bull’s-eye of Soviet missiles positioned inside the U.S.S.R. or in submarines. In view of the above, it is evident that missiles in Cuba add to a previously clear and present hazard—although it should be noted the nations of Latin America have never previously been subjected to a possible nuclear threat. But this sneaky, quick, and remarkable buildup of Communist missiles—in an area well known to have a unusual and historical relationship to the United States and the nations of the Western Hemisphere, in infringement of Soviet assurances, and in defiance of American and hemispheric policy—this sudden, stealthy decision to station premeditated weapons for the first time outside of Soviet soil—is a deliberately stimulating and awkward change in the statuesque which cannot be accepted by this country, if bravery and commitment of American people are ever to be trusted again by either friend or foe.

Financial Reporting System in Government Financial Institute

There is no denying the fact that the report prepared by the government for internal and external use are perpetually governed by the principles and concepts of the government accounting system.

Accuracy: The term “financial statement” is general and is probable to cover like chalk and cheese the broader meanings for altered groups. Reports should be appropriate for the intended users and prepared according to specific standards for their form and content. The specification of standards implies a mutual understanding between the user and the provider on the nature and content of financial information and does not necessarily require a decree, an executive order, or legislation. Rather, convention may serve this function.

Significance: The reports should be relevant to the user who is real. But there is no one typical user with defined and immutable characteristics. The important question is: What changes are needed in the presentation of financial reports to be of service to the prospective user? In the process of making these changes, a determination needs to be made to avoid manipulating inherently complex information, because attempts to simplify it may rob it of its significance. In this regard, Likerman suggests, the report should (a) minimize jargon and acronyms and not be patronising, (b) have a logical structure and layout, (c) have a summary of key points, (d) not have an overwhelming amount of detail, (e) not be unduly distorted by public relations considerations.

Reliability: The characteristics of reliable information are somewhat difficult to enumerate and explain. As a discipline, accounting necessarily implies the verification of facts; some reports may contain information derived from estimates. The degree of estimation determines the reliability of the data.

Implication: One common criticism of government financial information is that there is a surfeit, not a shortage. Many accounts are prepared and provided without taking into account the user’s needs. Relevance cannot be assumed. Users must be purposefully identified and distinguished by type and by interest.

Materiality: The data reported should provide a frame of reference for comparing organisations with similar functions so that the costs of providing similar services can be estimated. The provision of comparable data can also involve rearranging data to conform with the classification selected. Thus, annual accounts, which are generally arranged in terms of appropriation categories, would need to be reclassified. Providing comparable data is yet another manifestation of being responsive to user needs.

Appropriateness: If information is supplied long after the event for which it is intended, the message to users is that compliance is perfunctory. In most governments, however, accounting data are not released until they are approved or cleared by the audit agency. Sometimes, delays may result from undue efforts to be precise. Although a lack of precision may affect reliability, there is an inevitable trade-off between precision and timeliness. For the sake of timeliness, some precision may have to be sacrificed.

Steadiness: The reports should be consistent over time in terms of the nature of the entity reporting, classification, and the accounting basis. Consistency facilitates the preparation and use of data and leads to a mutually acceptable framework.

Expediency: The final criterion for financial reporting is usefulness. To be useful both inside and outside an agency, reports should contribute to an understanding of the current and future activities of the agency’s sources and uses of funds and the diligence shown in the use of funds.

The Accounting Standard emphasises that in a financial statements the following qualitative characteristics must exist:

Importance - information must have the ability to influence the economic decisions of users and be provided in time to influence those decisions.

trustworthiness - (a) information must be dependent upon to represent faithfully what it either purports to represent or could reasonably be expected to represent, and therefore reflects the substance of the transactions and other events that have taken place; (b) the information must be free from deliberate or systematic bias and material error and (c) in its preparation under conditions of uncertainty, a degree of caution must be applied in exercising  necessary judgements.

Comparable - information is comparable if it enables users to discern and evaluate similarities in, and differences between, the nature and effects of transactions and other events over time and across different reporting entities.

Understandable – information is understandable if it can be understood by users that have a reasonable knowledge of business and economic activities and accounting and a willingness to study with reasonable diligence the information provided.

It is significant that in order to write on financial reporting mean writing about the lack of information on the financial status of the government. There is a general impression that, notwithstanding periodic pronouncements about transparency and the availability of information about the financial implications of proposed or ongoing policies, there is very little organized information. What is provided is frequently incomplete, incomprehensible, or out of date. Government operates within an environment, where, in most of the cases, information is not focused and judged simply on the basis of ‘bottom line’ profit figures, hence the existence of certain differences between the private and public sectors in terms of the objective of financial reporting.

In quest of peace and prosperity through regional cooperation

In the middle of the scheme for Regional Corporation in the field of communication, education, sports, culture, tourism and business through which peace, progress and prosperity among South Asian countries under the banner of SAARC is moderately a new-fangled concept subject to the importance of socio-economic development of these regions. The framework for the SAARC programme was underway on in the early 1980 and afterwards it was shaped by the comprehensive economic and supporting progress for the preceding years. Due to cost effectiveness, the failures of the North- South tête-à-tête in the late seventies put together many early countries to travel around the promising areas of such co-operation within the countries of the South Asian regions. A number of scheme on regional co-operation were commenced at that period. For case in point, the Economic Community of West African States in 1975 and Southern African development Co-ordination Conference in 1980 were created. By integrating the strength and manpower of the daydream of an equitable global economic order, many states have turned their attention towards their own region for a settlement of an alliance by considering the basic and reliable support of the countries within the specific regions. Nearly every continent has some kind of regional management, now and then, more than one and even in principal, these associations may be intensified in the sense that they would play role in respect of socio-economic call-up through out the world.

It is noteworthy fact that SAARC is one of such performance where politically, the two-pronged ambience between India and some of its neighbouring countries deteriorated during 1974-76. Consequential upon such criteria, these two adjoining countries started gazing for regional and international loom to force India so as to take out alteration from it on their particular two-pronged issues. The first move of Bangladesh in order to raise the river-water sharing issue at the UN in 1976, Nepal’s suggestion to acquire it standard as a zone of peace and Pakistan’s active international relations at the United Nations to search out South Asia acknowledged as a nuclear-weapon free zone possibly will be evoked at this juncture. Soviet forces interference in Afghanistan in 1979 had conveyed about a serious flagging in the South Asian safekeeping state of affairs and shaped urgency for getting together in the region. Although it is factual that the peripheral pressures to form a South Asian regional system of government were not as great as it was in the case of the European Community, they were not absolutely gone astray or immaterial. Internal or external what ever was the cause the level of urgency for regional co-operation was not bedded on equal concepts in the midst of the South Asian states.
During May 1980, Bangladesh had contentious proposition for a South Asian regional system of government after squabble with some small South Asian states. India and Pakistan, the two life-size powers in South Asia, articulated strong uncertainties. This tentativeness reveals the survival of many suspicious questions among the South Asian states. India was highly hesitant of the submission and stance it as a new-fangled device to institutionalise the neighbours ‘ganging up’ in opposition to India to mine dispensation on issues heart-rending each of them independently. Pakistan trepidation that any South Asian forum would sooner or later India’s welfare and legitimises its regional ascendancy in South Asia. Also, in accordance with conceptual view of Pakistani authorities, in South Asia economic and political conditions for institutionalising regional co-operation were missing. Both India and Pakistan time-honoured the proposal for regional co-operation only ‘in principle’. They could accept a regional forum only when it did not seek to chip away at their respective interests. Accordingly, it was suggested that unanimity in taking decisions and avoidance of two-pronged and controversial issues should comprise the basic standard of the anticipated forum ahead.

In keeping with those diverse attitudes, the seven South Asian states (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka) officially were underway in respect of their co-operation from their first apex supposed on 8th December 1985 in Dhaka. They were well conversant that heterogeneous issues might encumber their co-operation, but for accomplishing their relevant goals they thought within themselves to work jointly. Their longing for financial liberation, facilitated them to start off pondering and rethinking their available resources in question.
Even though the seven South Asian states as regards their integration, the prospect of SAARC as an effective body for regional integration continues to be reflected with cynicism. When countries in other regions were trying to minimise their differences, it is disconcerting to see that this region remains trapped in conflict of war, sapping its energy and resources that could be diverted to launching an unpleasant on poverty. In this post-cold war period, and at a time when we are at the threshold of a new century, South Asia should not be out of peace, harmony and development even for a single day. Analysis of differences surrounded by the SAARC states and symptomatic of solution is thus a very imperative and well-timed issue.
In relation to forming a forum of SAARC, required guidelines focussing the detailed issues on the basic importance SAARC was planned to be positioned on the heterogeneity among the countries of South Asians regions which envisages effect on the regional integration process in South Asia. There are of course some strong commonalties among the South Asian states, for example, their colonial past, a broadly common attitude towards Western countries, common needs development, common needs to alleviate poverty, some similarity in culture, etc. These similarities could be helpful for the states to minimise their differences. And one most positive aspect is that the member states of SAARC are hopeful about their success. In the paper I will also try to show that, if heterogeneity is greater in South Asia, the regional incorporation will be less effectual. In case those differences can be minimised, greater integration will be possible. Before tentative the specific case of SAARC as a regional amalgamation process, some discussion about the meaning of region and regional integration is necessary.
Regional addition has become a very common way of co-operation among states in present day worldwide relationships. Normally a ‘region’ is an area where some geographically adjacent states join together to achieve their common objectives. As I mentioned earlier, in the present time more or less every nation-state, strong or weak, is a member of a regional system. But there are some states which exist on the borderline between two regions. That is one of the reasons for those states not joining in any regional co-operation arrangements. Although geographical considerations are an important factor for the formation of a region, other factors-for example, social, economic, political, historical, and organisational – are also imperative. So we can say that a region consists of two or more adjoining states and interacting states which have some common ethnic, linguistic, cultural, social, and/or historical bonds, and whose sense of identity is sometimes increased by the actions and attitudes towards those of states external to the region.
The constituent states of SAARC are physically nearby with each other. These states have somewhat in widespread. For illustration, they have some frequent communal and chronological bonds. These states have common colonial past. Those states (for example Nepal) that were not under colonial rule have also been influenced by that rule owing to geographical proximity with India. There is some cultural commonality among the SAARC states. But where the region ends-for example, on the eastern side, erstwhile Burma, now Myanmar is neither a member of SAARC nor yet of ASEAN. On the western side Afghanistan neither belongs to the Middle East nor to the South Asian group. These states exist on the borderline between two regional systems. Ernst Haas distinct assimilation as a tendency towards the voluntary creation of generously proportioned political units, each of which self-consciously shun the use of force in the relations between the participating units and groups Leon N. Lindberg defines integration as the process whereby states miss out on the desire and ability to conduct foreign and key domestic policies independently of each other, seeking instead to make joint decisions or to delegate the decision making process to new central organs. He also defines integration as the process whereby political actors in several distinct settings are convinced to transfer their opportunity and political performance to a new midpoint. Lindberg provides such explanation in his work on the European neighbourhood. But he dispensed to give an all-inclusive classification about regional integration processes.

Regional Co-operation means the responsibility of accountability for originating regional policies, developing rules and regulations, and for applying these policies to all markets at a regional level, overriding national control. incorporation thus requires members of a grouping to cede sovereignty over particular economic functions and activities as well as policies and instruments to an authority or institution which exercises its power at a regional level. Integration thus means formulating and applying policies- for example, regarding trade, exchange, labour, fiscal and monetary policies- at the regional level. Integration may also imply the development of a common currency and a single central bank or monetary authority which regulates the monetary and indirectly the fiscal parameters within which national governments function. While being entirely proficient, integration implies the free movement of all factors of production and technology across boundaries within the region. In its ultimate form of political union, it would require a regional legislature. There are dissimilar schools of thought regarding the methods and approaches to integration. The Federalist school of thought sees integration in legal and institutional terms. For federalists integration is an end-product rather than a process. It stands for a political union among previously sovereign and independent states. Federalists recommend the adoption of their approach on both a regional and a global scale. They regard as the anarchic nation-state system to be primarily responsible for war. The functionalist knows that nation-state system is changeable and is the cause of violence divisions, which undermine the real needs and interests of human race. They tried to give importance on specific tasks of economic and welfare co-operation. This would pass up divisive political debate, but at the same time create a community of interest which would ultimately render national frontiers meaningless. According to the functionalist observation, technical group effort in one sector generates a felt need for functional collaboration in other sectors.

The common route to regional integration is through progressive liberalisation of trade relationships between members of a regional community, which could progress through various stages:
• A Preferential Trade Area with lower tariffs; then a Free Trade Area with no tariffs;
• A Custom Union with common external tariff useful for external trade;
• A Common Market with free progress of all factors of production and constancy in internal exchange rate with full convertibility;
• An Economic Union with common currency and a unified monetary policy and a Political Union with unified judicial and legislative process of members’ states.

Alternatively, the term regional co-operation is a slack make-up of integration. It indicates an enthusiasm on the part of countries to work together in attaining regional economic security on the postulation that, in the long run, this self-control end result in enhancing national economic interests and welfare even if national interests might need to be subordinated in the short run. In light of the above squabble, it is evident that the position of SAARC as a regional co-operation is based on feasible underpinning in quest of peace and prosperity of these regions. In December 2008 SAARC will be 20 years old and as such if we take stock of regional co-operation from inauguration to present time, we will see that, since inception, even though the organization has been focussed on core issues but from the very beginning core areas were excluded from SAARC schedule, and that position persists to this day. Thus after its hopeful launch, SAARC performances have vegetated and have botched to promote any noteworthy co-operation in the core political and economic areas. On the other hand, in other areas SAARC has recognized number of institutions. For example, in 1988 the SAARC Agricultural Information Centre was established in Dhaka. The Technical Committee on Education and the Technical Committee on Sports, Arts and Culture were merged into a single Technical Committee on Education and Culture. SAARC has also conventional the Technical Committee on Environment. The SAARC Meteorological Research Centre has previously been acknowledged for chipping in information data in this respect. The first meeting of the Technical Committee on Health and Population activities was held on 1984. Important activities undertaken by this committee include the setting up of the SAARC Tuberculosis Centre in Kathmandu in 1992. The SAARC Drug Offences Monitoring Desk has been established in Colombo to analyse and disseminate information on drug offences, and efforts have been directed for conclusion of regional drug convention and harmonisation and consolidation of national drug laws. The Technical Committee on Rural Development identified priority areas for implementing its programmes on poverty alleviation, employment generation, women development, environment and technology transfer. There are technical committees for Science and Technology; Tourism; Transport and Women Development etc. Core political and economic areas remain absent from their co-operation process. SAARC states have not assigned any responsibility to SAARC to develop rules and regulation, which they can apply for all. They did not ceded part of their sovereignty to their regional body. The SAARC states are working together to achieve their regional interest on the assumption that, in the long run, this will result in achieving harmony and welfare in the region. In this respect we can term SAARC as a mere regional organisation for co-operation .SAARC has a number of developments in its succession of incorporation. For case in point, the South Asian states signed the SAPTA on 11 April 1993 in Dhaka during their seventh summit. SAPTA is working towards removal of tariffs and non-tariff barriers. In May 1997 at the ninth SAARC Summit, member states agreed steadily to relax trade barriers until a Free Trade Area is established by the year 2001. So the eventual goal of the South Asian states is to establish South Asian Free Trade Area. Though the official name of organisation is SIn quest of peace and prosperity through regional cooperation

In the middle of the scheme for Regional Corporation in the field of communication, education, sports, culture, tourism and business through which peace, progress and prosperity among South Asian countries under the banner of SAARC is moderately a new-fangled concept subject to the importance of socio-economic development of these regions. The framework for the SAARC programme was underway on in the early 1980 and afterwards it was shaped by the comprehensive economic and supporting progress for the preceding years. Due to cost effectiveness, the failures of the North- South tête-à-tête in the late seventies put together many early countries to travel around the promising areas of such co-operation within the countries of the South Asian regions. A number of scheme on regional co-operation were commenced at that period. For case in point, the Economic Community of West African States in 1975 and Southern African development Co-ordination Conference in 1980 were created. By integrating the strength and manpower of the daydream of an equitable global economic order, many states have turned their attention towards their own region for a settlement of an alliance by considering the basic and reliable support of the countries within the specific regions. Nearly every continent has some kind of regional management, now and then, more than one and even in principal, these associations may be intensified in the sense that they would play role in respect of socio-economic call-up through out the world.

It is noteworthy fact that SAARC is one of such performance where politically, the two-pronged ambience between India and some of its neighbouring countries deteriorated during 1974-76. Consequential upon such criteria, these two adjoining countries started gazing for regional and international loom to force India so as to take out alteration from it on their particular two-pronged issues. The first move of Bangladesh in order to raise the river-water sharing issue at the UN in 1976, Nepal’s suggestion to acquire it standard as a zone of peace and Pakistan’s active international relations at the United Nations to search out South Asia acknowledged as a nuclear-weapon free zone possibly will be evoked at this juncture. Soviet forces interference in Afghanistan in 1979 had conveyed about a serious flagging in the South Asian safekeeping state of affairs and shaped urgency for getting together in the region. Although it is factual that the peripheral pressures to form a South Asian regional system of government were not as great as it was in the case of the European Community, they were not absolutely gone astray or immaterial. Internal or external what ever was the cause the level of urgency for regional co-operation was not bedded on equal concepts in the midst of the South Asian states.
During May 1980, Bangladesh had contentious proposition for a South Asian regional system of government after squabble with some small South Asian states. India and Pakistan, the two life-size powers in South Asia, articulated strong uncertainties. This tentativeness reveals the survival of many suspicious questions among the South Asian states. India was highly hesitant of the submission and stance it as a new-fangled device to institutionalise the neighbours ‘ganging up’ in opposition to India to mine dispensation on issues heart-rending each of them independently. Pakistan trepidation that any South Asian forum would sooner or later India’s welfare and legitimises its regional ascendancy in South Asia. Also, in accordance with conceptual view of Pakistani authorities, in South Asia economic and political conditions for institutionalising regional co-operation were missing. Both India and Pakistan time-honoured the proposal for regional co-operation only ‘in principle’. They could accept a regional forum only when it did not seek to chip away at their respective interests. Accordingly, it was suggested that unanimity in taking decisions and avoidance of two-pronged and controversial issues should comprise the basic standard of the anticipated forum ahead.

In keeping with those diverse attitudes, the seven South Asian states (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka) officially were underway in respect of their co-operation from their first apex supposed on 8th December 1985 in Dhaka. They were well conversant that heterogeneous issues might encumber their co-operation, but for accomplishing their relevant goals they thought within themselves to work jointly. Their longing for financial liberation, facilitated them to start off pondering and rethinking their available resources in question.
Even though the seven South Asian states as regards their integration, the prospect of SAARC as an effective body for regional integration continues to be reflected with cynicism. When countries in other regions were trying to minimise their differences, it is disconcerting to see that this region remains trapped in conflict of war, sapping its energy and resources that could be diverted to launching an unpleasant on poverty. In this post-cold war period, and at a time when we are at the threshold of a new century, South Asia should not be out of peace, harmony and development even for a single day. Analysis of differences surrounded by the SAARC states and symptomatic of solution is thus a very imperative and well-timed issue.
In relation to forming a forum of SAARC, required guidelines focussing the detailed issues on the basic importance SAARC was planned to be positioned on the heterogeneity among the countries of South Asians regions which envisages effect on the regional integration process in South Asia. There are of course some strong commonalties among the South Asian states, for example, their colonial past, a broadly common attitude towards Western countries, common needs development, common needs to alleviate poverty, some similarity in culture, etc. These similarities could be helpful for the states to minimise their differences. And one most positive aspect is that the member states of SAARC are hopeful about their success. In the paper I will also try to show that, if heterogeneity is greater in South Asia, the regional incorporation will be less effectual. In case those differences can be minimised, greater integration will be possible. Before tentative the specific case of SAARC as a regional amalgamation process, some discussion about the meaning of region and regional integration is necessary.
Regional addition has become a very common way of co-operation among states in present day worldwide relationships. Normally a ‘region’ is an area where some geographically adjacent states join together to achieve their common objectives. As I mentioned earlier, in the present time more or less every nation-state, strong or weak, is a member of a regional system. But there are some states which exist on the borderline between two regions. That is one of the reasons for those states not joining in any regional co-operation arrangements. Although geographical considerations are an important factor for the formation of a region, other factors-for example, social, economic, political, historical, and organisational – are also imperative. So we can say that a region consists of two or more adjoining states and interacting states which have some common ethnic, linguistic, cultural, social, and/or historical bonds, and whose sense of identity is sometimes increased by the actions and attitudes towards those of states external to the region.
The constituent states of SAARC are physically nearby with each other. These states have somewhat in widespread. For illustration, they have some frequent communal and chronological bonds. These states have common colonial past. Those states (for example Nepal) that were not under colonial rule have also been influenced by that rule owing to geographical proximity with India. There is some cultural commonality among the SAARC states. But where the region ends-for example, on the eastern side, erstwhile Burma, now Myanmar is neither a member of SAARC nor yet of ASEAN. On the western side Afghanistan neither belongs to the Middle East nor to the South Asian group. These states exist on the borderline between two regional systems. Ernst Haas distinct assimilation as a tendency towards the voluntary creation of generously proportioned political units, each of which self-consciously shun the use of force in the relations between the participating units and groups Leon N. Lindberg defines integration as the process whereby states miss out on the desire and ability to conduct foreign and key domestic policies independently of each other, seeking instead to make joint decisions or to delegate the decision making process to new central organs. He also defines integration as the process whereby political actors in several distinct settings are convinced to transfer their opportunity and political performance to a new midpoint. Lindberg provides such explanation in his work on the European neighbourhood. But he dispensed to give an all-inclusive classification about regional integration processes.

Regional Co-operation means the responsibility of accountability for originating regional policies, developing rules and regulations, and for applying these policies to all markets at a regional level, overriding national control. incorporation thus requires members of a grouping to cede sovereignty over particular economic functions and activities as well as policies and instruments to an authority or institution which exercises its power at a regional level. Integration thus means formulating and applying policies- for example, regarding trade, exchange, labour, fiscal and monetary policies- at the regional level. Integration may also imply the development of a common currency and a single central bank or monetary authority which regulates the monetary and indirectly the fiscal parameters within which national governments function. While being entirely proficient, integration implies the free movement of all factors of production and technology across boundaries within the region. In its ultimate form of political union, it would require a regional legislature. There are dissimilar schools of thought regarding the methods and approaches to integration. The Federalist school of thought sees integration in legal and institutional terms. For federalists integration is an end-product rather than a process. It stands for a political union among previously sovereign and independent states. Federalists recommend the adoption of their approach on both a regional and a global scale. They regard as the anarchic nation-state system to be primarily responsible for war. The functionalist knows that nation-state system is changeable and is the cause of violence divisions, which undermine the real needs and interests of human race. They tried to give importance on specific tasks of economic and welfare co-operation. This would pass up divisive political debate, but at the same time create a community of interest which would ultimately render national frontiers meaningless. According to the functionalist observation, technical group effort in one sector generates a felt need for functional collaboration in other sectors.

The common route to regional integration is through progressive liberalisation of trade relationships between members of a regional community, which could progress through various stages:
• A Preferential Trade Area with lower tariffs; then a Free Trade Area with no tariffs;
• A Custom Union with common external tariff useful for external trade;
• A Common Market with free progress of all factors of production and constancy in internal exchange rate with full convertibility;
• An Economic Union with common currency and a unified monetary policy and a Political Union with unified judicial and legislative process of members’ states.

Alternatively, the term regional co-operation is a slack make-up of integration. It indicates an enthusiasm on the part of countries to work together in attaining regional economic security on the postulation that, in the long run, this self-control end result in enhancing national economic interests and welfare even if national interests might need to be subordinated in the short run. In light of the above squabble, it is evident that the position of SAARC as a regional co-operation is based on feasible underpinning in quest of peace and prosperity of these regions. In December 2008 SAARC will be 20 years old and as such if we take stock of regional co-operation from inauguration to present time, we will see that, since inception, even though the organization has been focussed on core issues but from the very beginning core areas were excluded from SAARC schedule, and that position persists to this day. Thus after its hopeful launch, SAARC performances have vegetated and have botched to promote any noteworthy co-operation in the core political and economic areas. On the other hand, in other areas SAARC has recognized number of institutions. For example, in 1988 the SAARC Agricultural Information Centre was established in Dhaka. The Technical Committee on Education and the Technical Committee on Sports, Arts and Culture were merged into a single Technical Committee on Education and Culture. SAARC has also conventional the Technical Committee on Environment. The SAARC Meteorological Research Centre has previously been acknowledged for chipping in information data in this respect. The first meeting of the Technical Committee on Health and Population activities was held on 1984. Important activities undertaken by this committee include the setting up of the SAARC Tuberculosis Centre in Kathmandu in 1992. The SAARC Drug Offences Monitoring Desk has been established in Colombo to analyse and disseminate information on drug offences, and efforts have been directed for conclusion of regional drug convention and harmonisation and consolidation of national drug laws. The Technical Committee on Rural Development identified priority areas for implementing its programmes on poverty alleviation, employment generation, women development, environment and technology transfer. There are technical committees for Science and Technology; Tourism; Transport and Women Development etc. Core political and economic areas remain absent from their co-operation process. SAARC states have not assigned any responsibility to SAARC to develop rules and regulation, which they can apply for all. They did not ceded part of their sovereignty to their regional body. The SAARC states are working together to achieve their regional interest on the assumption that, in the long run, this will result in achieving harmony and welfare in the region. In this respect we can term SAARC as a mere regional organisation for co-operation .SAARC has a number of developments in its succession of incorporation. For case in point, the South Asian states signed the SAPTA on 11 April 1993 in Dhaka during their seventh summit. SAPTA is working towards removal of tariffs and non-tariff barriers. In May 1997 at the ninth SAARC Summit, member states agreed steadily to relax trade barriers until a Free Trade Area is established by the year 2001. So the eventual goal of the South Asian states is to establish South Asian Free Trade Area. Though the official name of organisation is South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation, but we can consider it as a South Asian integration process. If South Asian states can minimise the opportunity of war among themselves, then the word ‘integration’ will be more appropriate for SAARC.

In view of the above discussion it is obvious that the fundamental demarcation in respect of religious way of life for a while creates serious irritant in South Asia. In terms of number of followers, Hinduism has the leading number of followers, with Islam and Buddhism being the two other major faiths. Even though a strong secular movement was launched by the Indian and numerous other South Asian governments, it failed to diminish cultural gaps along with the various religions. Most well-known clashes stuck between religious groups look like to absorb Hindus and Muslims, or one Muslim splinter group aligned with another, or Sikhs and Hindus, or Buddhists and Hindus. Associations between the two most powerful states of South Asia, India and Pakistan, have been to the highest degree convoluted by religious factors.
In quest of peace and prosperity through regional cooperation

In the middle of the scheme for Regional Corporation in the field of communication, education, sports, culture, tourism and business through which peace, progress and prosperity among South Asian countries under the banner of SAARC is moderately a new-fangled concept subject to the importance of socio-economic development of these regions. The framework for the SAARC programme was underway on in the early 1980 and afterwards it was shaped by the comprehensive economic and supporting progress for the preceding years. Due to cost effectiveness, the failures of the North- South tête-à-tête in the late seventies put together many early countries to travel around the promising areas of such co-operation within the countries of the South Asian regions. A number of scheme on regional co-operation were commenced at that period. For case in point, the Economic Community of West African States in 1975 and Southern African development Co-ordination Conference in 1980 were created. By integrating the strength and manpower of the daydream of an equitable global economic order, many states have turned their attention towards their own region for a settlement of an alliance by considering the basic and reliable support of the countries within the specific regions. Nearly every continent has some kind of regional management, now and then, more than one and even in principal, these associations may be intensified in the sense that they would play role in respect of socio-economic call-up through out the world.

It is noteworthy fact that SAARC is one of such performance where politically, the two-pronged ambience between India and some of its neighbouring countries deteriorated during 1974-76. Consequential upon such criteria, these two adjoining countries started gazing for regional and international loom to force India so as to take out alteration from it on their particular two-pronged issues. The first move of Bangladesh in order to raise the river-water sharing issue at the UN in 1976, Nepal’s suggestion to acquire it standard as a zone of peace and Pakistan’s active international relations at the United Nations to search out South Asia acknowledged as a nuclear-weapon free zone possibly will be evoked at this juncture. Soviet forces interference in Afghanistan in 1979 had conveyed about a serious flagging in the South Asian safekeeping state of affairs and shaped urgency for getting together in the region. Although it is factual that the peripheral pressures to form a South Asian regional system of government were not as great as it was in the case of the European Community, they were not absolutely gone astray or immaterial. Internal or external what ever was the cause the level of urgency for regional co-operation was not bedded on equal concepts in the midst of the South Asian states.
During May 1980, Bangladesh had contentious proposition for a South Asian regional system of government after squabble with some small South Asian states. India and Pakistan, the two life-size powers in South Asia, articulated strong uncertainties. This tentativeness reveals the survival of many suspicious questions among the South Asian states. India was highly hesitant of the submission and stance it as a new-fangled device to institutionalise the neighbours ‘ganging up’ in opposition to India to mine dispensation on issues heart-rending each of them independently. Pakistan trepidation that any South Asian forum would sooner or later India’s welfare and legitimises its regional ascendancy in South Asia. Also, in accordance with conceptual view of Pakistani authorities, in South Asia economic and political conditions for institutionalising regional co-operation were missing. Both India and Pakistan time-honoured the proposal for regional co-operation only ‘in principle’. They could accept a regional forum only when it did not seek to chip away at their respective interests. Accordingly, it was suggested that unanimity in taking decisions and avoidance of two-pronged and controversial issues should comprise the basic standard of the anticipated forum ahead.

In keeping with those diverse attitudes, the seven South Asian states (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka) officially were underway in respect of their co-operation from their first apex supposed on 8th December 1985 in Dhaka. They were well conversant that heterogeneous issues might encumber their co-operation, but for accomplishing their relevant goals they thought within themselves to work jointly. Their longing for financial liberation, facilitated them to start off pondering and rethinking their available resources in question.
Even though the seven South Asian states as regards their integration, the prospect of SAARC as an effective body for regional integration continues to be reflected with cynicism. When countries in other regions were trying to minimise their differences, it is disconcerting to see that this region remains trapped in conflict of war, sapping its energy and resources that could be diverted to launching an unpleasant on poverty. In this post-cold war period, and at a time when we are at the threshold of a new century, South Asia should not be out of peace, harmony and development even for a single day. Analysis of differences surrounded by the SAARC states and symptomatic of solution is thus a very imperative and well-timed issue.
In relation to forming a forum of SAARC, required guidelines focussing the detailed issues on the basic importance SAARC was planned to be positioned on the heterogeneity among the countries of South Asians regions which envisages effect on the regional integration process in South Asia. There are of course some strong commonalties among the South Asian states, for example, their colonial past, a broadly common attitude towards Western countries, common needs development, common needs to alleviate poverty, some similarity in culture, etc. These similarities could be helpful for the states to minimise their differences. And one most positive aspect is that the member states of SAARC are hopeful about their success. In the paper I will also try to show that, if heterogeneity is greater in South Asia, the regional incorporation will be less effectual. In case those differences can be minimised, greater integration will be possible. Before tentative the specific case of SAARC as a regional amalgamation process, some discussion about the meaning of region and regional integration is necessary.
Regional addition has become a very common way of co-operation among states in present day worldwide relationships. Normally a ‘region’ is an area where some geographically adjacent states join together to achieve their common objectives. As I mentioned earlier, in the present time more or less every nation-state, strong or weak, is a member of a regional system. But there are some states which exist on the borderline between two regions. That is one of the reasons for those states not joining in any regional co-operation arrangements. Although geographical considerations are an important factor for the formation of a region, other factors-for example, social, economic, political, historical, and organisational – are also imperative. So we can say that a region consists of two or more adjoining states and interacting states which have some common ethnic, linguistic, cultural, social, and/or historical bonds, and whose sense of identity is sometimes increased by the actions and attitudes towards those of states external to the region.
The constituent states of SAARC are physically nearby with each other. These states have somewhat in widespread. For illustration, they have some frequent communal and chronological bonds. These states have common colonial past. Those states (for example Nepal) that were not under colonial rule have also been influenced by that rule owing to geographical proximity with India. There is some cultural commonality among the SAARC states. But where the region ends-for example, on the eastern side, erstwhile Burma, now Myanmar is neither a member of SAARC nor yet of ASEAN. On the western side Afghanistan neither belongs to the Middle East nor to the South Asian group. These states exist on the borderline between two regional systems. Ernst Haas distinct assimilation as a tendency towards the voluntary creation of generously proportioned political units, each of which self-consciously shun the use of force in the relations between the participating units and groups Leon N. Lindberg defines integration as the process whereby states miss out on the desire and ability to conduct foreign and key domestic policies independently of each other, seeking instead to make joint decisions or to delegate the decision making process to new central organs. He also defines integration as the process whereby political actors in several distinct settings are convinced to transfer their opportunity and political performance to a new midpoint. Lindberg provides such explanation in his work on the European neighbourhood. But he dispensed to give an all-inclusive classification about regional integration processes.

Regional Co-operation means the responsibility of accountability for originating regional policies, developing rules and regulations, and for applying these policies to all markets at a regional level, overriding national control. incorporation thus requires members of a grouping to cede sovereignty over particular economic functions and activities as well as policies and instruments to an authority or institution which exercises its power at a regional level. Integration thus means formulating and applying policies- for example, regarding trade, exchange, labour, fiscal and monetary policies- at the regional level. Integration may also imply the development of a common currency and a single central bank or monetary authority which regulates the monetary and indirectly the fiscal parameters within which national governments function. While being entirely proficient, integration implies the free movement of all factors of production and technology across boundaries within the region. In its ultimate form of political union, it would require a regional legislature. There are dissimilar schools of thought regarding the methods and approaches to integration. The Federalist school of thought sees integration in legal and institutional terms. For federalists integration is an end-product rather than a process. It stands for a political union among previously sovereign and independent states. Federalists recommend the adoption of their approach on both a regional and a global scale. They regard as the anarchic nation-state system to be primarily responsible for war. The functionalist knows that nation-state system is changeable and is the cause of violence divisions, which undermine the real needs and interests of human race. They tried to give importance on specific tasks of economic and welfare co-operation. This would pass up divisive political debate, but at the same time create a community of interest which would ultimately render national frontiers meaningless. According to the functionalist observation, technical group effort in one sector generates a felt need for functional collaboration in other sectors.

The common route to regional integration is through progressive liberalisation of trade relationships between members of a regional community, which could progress through various stages:
• A Preferential Trade Area with lower tariffs; then a Free Trade Area with no tariffs;
• A Custom Union with common external tariff useful for external trade;
• A Common Market with free progress of all factors of production and constancy in internal exchange rate with full convertibility;
• An Economic Union with common currency and a unified monetary policy and a Political Union with unified judicial and legislative process of members’ states.

Alternatively, the term regional co-operation is a slack make-up of integration. It indicates an enthusiasm on the part of countries to work together in attaining regional economic security on the postulation that, in the long run, this self-control end result in enhancing national economic interests and welfare even if national interests might need to be subordinated in the short run. In light of the above squabble, it is evident that the position of SAARC as a regional co-operation is based on feasible underpinning in quest of peace and prosperity of these regions. In December 2008 SAARC will be 20 years old and as such if we take stock of regional co-operation from inauguration to present time, we will see that, since inception, even though the organization has been focussed on core issues but from the very beginning core areas were excluded from SAARC schedule, and that position persists to this day. Thus after its hopeful launch, SAARC performances have vegetated and have botched to promote any noteworthy co-operation in the core political and economic areas. On the other hand, in other areas SAARC has recognized number of institutions. For example, in 1988 the SAARC Agricultural Information Centre was established in Dhaka. The Technical Committee on Education and the Technical Committee on Sports, Arts and Culture were merged into a single Technical Committee on Education and Culture. SAARC has also conventional the Technical Committee on Environment. The SAARC Meteorological Research Centre has previously been acknowledged for chipping in information data in this respect. The first meeting of the Technical Committee on Health and Population activities was held on 1984. Important activities undertaken by this committee include the setting up of the SAARC Tuberculosis Centre in Kathmandu in 1992. The SAARC Drug Offences Monitoring Desk has been established in Colombo to analyse and disseminate information on drug offences, and efforts have been directed for conclusion of regional drug convention and harmonisation and consolidation of national drug laws. The Technical Committee on Rural Development identified priority areas for implementing its programmes on poverty alleviation, employment generation, women development, environment and technology transfer. There are technical committees for Science and Technology; Tourism; Transport and Women Development etc. Core political and economic areas remain absent from their co-operation process. SAARC states have not assigned any responsibility to SAARC to develop rules and regulation, which they can apply for all. They did not ceded part of their sovereignty to their regional body. The SAARC states are working together to achieve their regional interest on the assumption that, in the long run, this will result in achieving harmony and welfare in the region. In this respect we can term SAARC as a mere regional organisation for co-operation .SAARC has a number of developments in its succession of incorporation. For case in point, the South Asian states signed the SAPTA on 11 April 1993 in Dhaka during their seventh summit. SAPTA is working towards removal of tariffs and non-tariff barriers. In May 1997 at the ninth SAARC Summit, member states agreed steadily to relax trade barriers until a Free Trade Area is established by the year 2001. So the eventual goal of the South Asian states is to establish South Asian Free Trade Area. Though the official name of organisation is South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation, but we can consider it as a South Asian integration process. If South Asian states can minimise the opportunity of war among themselves, then the word ‘integration’ will be more appropriate for SAARC.

In view of the above discussion it is obvious that the fundamental demarcation in respect of religious way of life for a while creates serious irritant in South Asia. In terms of number of followers, Hinduism has the leading number of followers, with Islam and Buddhism being the two other major faiths. Even though a strong secular movement was launched by the Indian and numerous other South Asian governments, it failed to diminish cultural gaps along with the various religions. Most well-known clashes stuck between religious groups look like to absorb Hindus and Muslims, or one Muslim splinter group aligned with another, or Sikhs and Hindus, or Buddhists and Hindus. Associations between the two most powerful states of South Asia, India and Pakistan, have been to the highest degree convoluted by religious factors.
outh Asian Association for Regional Co-operation, but we can consider it as a South Asian integration process. If South Asian states can minimise the opportunity of war among themselves, then the word ‘integration’ will be more appropriate for SAARC.

In view of the above discussion it is obvious that the fundamental demarcation in respect of religious way of life for a while creates serious irritant in South Asia. In terms of number of followers, Hinduism has the leading number of followers, with Islam and Buddhism being the two other major faiths. Even though a strong secular movement was launched by the Indian and numerous other South Asian governments, it failed to diminish cultural gaps along with the various religions. Most well-known clashes stuck between religious groups look like to absorb Hindus and Muslims, or one Muslim splinter group aligned with another, or Sikhs and Hindus, or Buddhists and Hindus. Associations between the two most powerful states of South Asia, India and Pakistan, have been to the highest degree convoluted by religious factors.

ACCOUNTING IMPLICATION OF GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS

Recent Global Financial Crisis

The term ‘Global Financial Crisis’ means economic scarcity where there exists a continuous drawback against strategic stable economic growth in the world. The underlying backgrounds with regard to the crisis had been reported in business journals for many months before September 2008, with the emphasis about the financial stringency of U.SA and world investment banks, insurance firms and mortgage Securities Companies consequent to the sub prime business crisis. Introducing with some evil critics against the business failures predominated by misapplication of risk controls for bad debts, collateralization of debt insurance and fraud, large financial institutions in the United States and other countries in the world had faced a credit crisis and a slowdown in economic activity. The impacts rapidly promoted and spread wide ranging into a global shock resulting in a number of European bank failures and declines in various stock indexes, correlated with numerous reductions in the market value of equities and commodities take place. The sub prime mortgage crisis arrived a critical stage during the first week of September 2008, featured by severely contracted liquidity in the global credit markets and insolvency threats to investment banks and other institutions. It is observed by a critical analysis that the position in respect of the reserve from banks in the Federal Reserve System began increasing over required levels of about $10 billion at the beginning of September 2008, just after the Democratic and Republican national conventions, and just before the stock market crash and presidential debates. Accounting Implication of Global Financial Crisis As a result of global financial crisis, there was great impact in accounting implication and in reference to world trade economy; there was scarcity of resource to measure the strength of the existing pose of the financial institutions. For such adverse connotation of Accounting, the International Accounting Standards Board and the Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB) in the present day publicized supplementary steps in response to the global financial crisis following their joint board meeting held in London on 23 and 24 March 2009. These postulates have helped to establish the original form of financial statements. In former format of balanced sheet strategy, there was no scope to reflect some economic events like inflation/deflation, stock growth, currency fluctuation, interest rate and mortgage declining affairs but in the present reform strategy, sufficient changes based on accounting implication have been made with so many revolutionary altercations. In reference to global financial crisis, the IASB was accepted in 2001 and is the standard-setting establishment of the International Accounting Standards Committee (IASC) Foundation, and self-regulating private sector, not-for profit organization. The IASB is steadfast to mounting, in the public interest, a single set of high quality, global accounting standards that provide high quality crystal clear and equivalent in order in general purpose financial statements. With regard to the objective, the IASB demeanor wide-ranging public consultations and seeks the co-operation of intercontinental and national bodies around the world. Its 14 members are drawn from nine countries and have a variety of professional backgrounds. They are appointed by and accountable to the Trustees of the IASC Foundation, who are required to select the best available combination of technical expertise and diversity of international business and market experience. Since 1973, the US Financial Accounting Standards Board was elected organization in the private sector for establishing standards of financial accounting and reporting. Those standards administer the preparation of financial reports and are authoritatively recognized as authoritative by the Securities and Exchange Commission and the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants. Such standards are indispensable to the resourceful functioning of the cost-cutting measure for the reason that investors, creditors, auditors and others rely on credible, transparent and comparable economic information. Structuring on work underway, the two boards have agreed to work jointly and expeditiously towards common standards that deal with off balance sheet activity and the accounting for financial instrument. They will also work towards analyzing loan loss accounting within the financial instruments project. Furthermore, the boards have agreed to issue proposals to replace their respective financial instruments standards with a common standard in a matter of months, not years. As part of this project the boards will examine loan loss accounting, including the incurred and expected loss models. The boards will continue to draw on expertise provided by the Financial Crisis Advisory Group (FCAG), a high level advisory body formed to guide the boards in their joint response to the financial crisis. Composition of the FCAG includes current and former investors, regulators, central bankers, finance ministers and others from industry and the public sector. Steps taken by IASB and FASB The FCAG was established by the International Accounting Standards Board (IASB) and the US Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB) to advise the two boards about standard-setting implications of the global financial crisis and potential changes to the global regulatory environment. It consists of 18 senior leaders with broad international experience with financial markets, joined by official observers representing key global banking, insurance, and securities regulators. The chairmen and a few other board members from the IASB and the FASB also participate in the discussions. The FCAG has considered as to how improvements to financial reporting may help to enhance investor confidence in the financial markets and is seeking to identify, and endow with input and advice on, significant accounting issues that require the boards’ immediate attention or longer-term consideration. Topics being discussed include, among others, fair value accounting, loan provisioning, and structured entities and other off-balance sheet vehicles. The FCAG was also interested in exploratory the oversight of the boards, the standard-setting process in exigent situations, and the benefits of convergence of the two boards’ standards. As part of its work, the FCAG is considering various studies connected with the financial crisis, such as the US Securities and Exchange Commission’s study on ‘mark-to-market’ accounting, the UK Financial Services Authority’s Turner Review on the global banking crisis, and the Financial Stability Forum’s work on addressing procyclicality in the financial system. The International Accounting Standards Board (IASB) and the Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB) this week announced the membership of the Financial Crisis Advisory Group (FCAG). The FCAG is the high-level advisory group set up by the boards to consider financial reporting issues arising from the global financial crisis. The group includes recognized leaders from the fields of business and government with a broad range of experience in international financial markets. Conclusion: In view of the above discussion it is evident that the criteria as set forth as per Accounting standard that the focus should now be on ensuring that IFRS continues to be a high quality principle based accounting language. The world trade authorities need to engage with the standard setting process, as more and more countries adopt IFRS. The steps relevant to financial crisis endorse an assurance to a joint approach to the financial crisis and to the overall goal of seeking convergence between International Financial Reporting Standards and US generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP). There is no denying the fact that in relation to global financial crisis, the IASB and FASB have significant role to switch over the difficulties in regard to world economic crisis. They have taken active steps to measure the risks and uncertainty of these areas. The required discussion for those with IFRS experience to share their views and knowledge. In areas such as accounting, being too prescriptive with global measures could backfire. Issuing guidance those results in mechanical rule-following could be a recipe for disaster. The underlying principles based standard setting and professional judgment has a vital role to play and should not stifle recovery. If this can be achieved through the consultative process, it should be possible for public and private sector parties to contribute to the evolution of individual standards, from the initial standard setting phase. In the majority cases, the concerning authorities should subsequently be in a position to give their support to new standards, as they are issued by the International Accounting Standards Board. However, the reforms strategy of change in present financial reporting system concludes that while the crisis has revealed flaws in the World’s own regulatory system, the concerning authoritative Board is still well positioned to play an active role in designing new global structures and ensuring that they are transparent and accountable and that developing countries as well as others are represented, in order to increase the legitimacy of the decision-making process. Bibliography 1. www.khatiar2012.wordpress.com 2. www.EzineArticles.com 3. www.wikipedia.com 4. FASB and IASB web page 5. www.shvoong.com 6. www.articlesbase,com 7. www.viralArticles moneymachine.com

The importance of our mother tongue day

It gives me immense pleasure express something about our mother tongue as it is acknowledged as International Mother language Day on 21^st February in every year through out the whole world and it is sanctified by titivating flowers and holding in the highest regard the memories of those language martyrs who had laid down their lives for the cause of establishing the dignity of our fortitude as a nation by raising our heads like other nations virtually. The 21^st February is a red-letter day in the history of our mother tongue. It is a very significant day in view of good judgment that we have been able to establish our mother tongue as our state language. It is our glory and inspiration that we have achieved freedom from the movement of this day. We think that we could not achieve our freedom if 21st February was not emergent in 1952. Due to the movement of this day, we have shown our agitation against the rulers of the then Pakistan and even the people irrespective of castes and creed took part in the movement having been influenced by the gallant touchwood of Bengali nationalism.

 

The word ‘nationalism’ comes down from the heritage, culture and tradition of a particular country which indicates uniformity in respect of one faith that is the language conventionally uttered from a child which is his actual identity. Nationalism is such which vividly gives an acquaintance in the sense in what language he expresses his mode of his explicit desire as to what he wants or what he would like to do. So our heritage is expressed as a token of ideal acquaintance as Bengali Language with which we survive on full faith of livelihood and as such every elegiac influence is concerned in achieving the recognition of this day in the world. We can think our own belief that we are created equally in respect of expressing our own tradition, culture and religion which is bedded on our soil, grass, plants, creeper and our dwelling place. We cannot think even for a moment that a boy is treated more or less as a terrorist or miscreant or he is excommunicated at an immature stage. If we lose our faith in our own nationalism, we need to be responsible to build him or her who can give his identity as a Bengali nation. To speak the truth, the 21^st February, as a symbol of blaze illumination is our rectitude for which our survival as Bengali nation has been reflected through out the whole world.